Website Gathers All Things Gore Even As The Big Guy Turns Away From Politics

Website Gathers All Things Gore Even As The Big Guy Turns Away From Politics – Despite climate change setbacks, Al Gore ‘stands on the side of hope’ Although President Trump promised to withdraw the United States from the Paris climate agreement, Al Gore still sees an “excellent opportunity” to fulfill the agreement’s commitments to reduce global warming.

When it comes to convincing climate change deniers, Al Gore says, “Mother Nature is more persuasive than the scientific community.” Claire Harbage/ hide caption

Website Gathers All Things Gore Even As The Big Guy Turns Away From Politics

When it comes to convincing climate change deniers, Al Gore says, “Mother Nature is more persuasive than the scientific community.”

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The film shows Gore standing in floodwaters in Miami, flying over imploding ice boulders in Greenland and Paris, trying to push the climate deal over the finish line.

However, President Trump vowed last month to undo that victory when he announced plans to withdraw the United States from the Paris climate agreement.

“I did everything I could to convince him to stay in the Paris agreement,” Gore tells Steve Inskeep in one of two recent

Interviews. “And I thought there was a chance he would come to his senses, but I was wrong.”

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“[O]ne of the big differences between today and a decade ago is that we now have the solutions,” he says. Renewable energies like solar and wind electricity, he says, have evolved like other technologies like mobile phones and televisions, so that “when production goes up, their costs go down even faster.”

We always anticipated that we wouldn’t be able to finish the movie until we knew who was going to win the election and what would happen next. And I will tell you that when President Trump announced that the United States was withdrawing from the Paris agreement, I was deeply concerned that other countries might use that as an excuse to withdraw. But I’ve been pleased that the rest of the world has redoubled its commitment to the Paris agreement and that here in this country so many governors, mayors and business leaders have stepped up to fill the void and say, “We’re still in Paris. ” And I really believe, and scientists think now too, that we have an excellent opportunity to fulfill the commitments that former President Obama made in the Paris agreement, regardless of what Donald Trump says.

I don’t know. I’ve heard him say different things. I’ve heard him say things in public that would make you believe he doesn’t believe in it. But the scientific community has been practically unanimous for a couple of decades and now there is a new participant in the debate: Mother Nature. The other big change from 10 years ago is that these climate-related extreme weather events are much more common and, unfortunately, much more destructive. Here in the United States we have had 11 once-in-a-thousand-year events in the last seven years. Last year was the hottest year ever measured globally. The second warmest was the year before, the third warmest was the year before. And Mother Nature is more persuasive than the scientific community.

I think one of the causes of this populist authoritarianism that we have seen not only in the United States but also in Poland, Turkey, the Philippines and Hungary… is that the expert plan for globalization that has been promoted for quite some time has caused those who feel abandoned feel real anger that middle-income wages have been stagnant for decades, and I think widespread anger at the way things are going extends into a vulnerability to hearing demagogic claims that the scientific community doesn’t know what it’s doing. talking. about when they warn us about the climate crisis.

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I know the events I did for [Hillary Clinton] in the 2016 election sparked a powerful response. I didn’t see any other events dedicated to climate, so maybe I missed it.

I think pollsters and pundits tell a lot of national politicians that they should focus on other issues, but I think that’s changing quite a bit. And I think the partisan divide is fading on climate, I really do.

I think the Democratic Party should focus a lot more on [climate change]. And I think that’s starting to happen. If you look at Jerry Brown in California, Jay Inslee in Washington state, Andrew Cuomo in New York state and many others, we are now starting to see a surge of interest in people who want to move away from the fossil. The fuel companies, they want energy freedom, they want energy options, and I think that will be a much greater political advantage in the coming years. The Internet is at an inflection point. Platforms have consolidated their power, generative AI and the associated financial pressures are pushing companies to further degrade the online experience, and more than anything else, the notion that democratic governments should leave the internet alone is being eroded. crumbling rapidly. Nothing demonstrates that better than the recent arrest of Telegram CEO Pavel Durov in France and the suspension of Twitter/X in Brazil.

Make no mistake, governments’ stance on the Internet has been changing for some time. Beyond the actions of the French authorities and the Brazilian Supreme Court, Australia continues to try to create a new framework for the Internet that works for its society, Canada has its own advanced regulations, with an Online Harms Law making its way into the parliament, and Arguably the European Union started this whole movement in the first place. But as the United States hypocritically begins to erect its own barriers to try to protect Silicon Valley from Chinese competition, other countries see an opportunity to ensure that what happens online better aligns with their internal values, rather than the taxes from the United States.

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This movement is more widespread than it might seem. Last month, the Global Digital Justice Forum, a group of civil society groups, published a letter on ongoing negotiations on the United Nations Global Digital Compact. “It is abundantly clear that the cyberlibertarian vision of yesteryear is at the root of the countless problems facing global digital governance today,” the group wrote. “Governments are needed in the digital space not only to address harm or abuse. “They have a positive role to play in fulfilling a range of human rights for inclusive, equitable and flourishing digital societies.” In most of the world, that is not a controversial statement, but it is a challenge to the founding ideas that emerged in the United States and that have shaped the dominant approach to Internet politics for several decades.

In the 1990s, as the Internet was commercialized, cyberlibertarians took the microphone and formulated how many advocates would understand the online space in the years to come. Even though the Internet was developed with military and government funds, cyberlibertarians treated the government as the enemy. “You are not welcome among us,” wrote Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) co-founder John Perry Barlow in his Declaration of Cyberspace Independence. “You have no sovereignty where we meet.” It was surely a welcome message to the global elite gathered at the World Economic Forum in 1996, where he published his manifesto. Governments, not corporations, were the great threat. That blind spot helped fuel the creation of the digital dystopia we now live in.

The cyberlibertarian approach that emerged in the United States is not particularly surprising. The political dynamics in the United States have a stronger libertarian bent than in many other countries, especially the high-income Western countries with which it is generally compared. Digital policy in California had already integrated libertarianism and neoliberalism, so it wasn’t a huge leap in defining the approach to the Internet. “California ideology is a mix of cybernetics, free market economics, and countercultural libertarianism,” wrote Richard Barbrook and Andy Cameron in 1995. They described it as a “deeply anti-statist dogma” that resulted from the “failure of renewal.” in the US in the late 60s and early 70s.”

And digital rights groups like the EFF, but the business sector along with Democratic and Republican politicians also found much to like. In the late 1980s, then-Senator Al Gore outlined how he saw “high-performance computing” as a tool of American power on the world stage, while Newt Gingrich embraced the Internet when he became speaker of the House in 1995. Being positioned as an approach that prioritized Internet users, cyberlibertarianism was very friendly to corporate interests that wanted to control the Internet and shape it to maximize their profits.

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The digital rights movement’s focus on privacy and expression sometimes found it clashing with nascent Internet companies, but more often they found themselves on the same side of the fight, whether against government regulation or traditional competitors. that the new Internet companies wanted to usurp. (and finally replace). Cyberlibertarians and the digital rights movement that emerged from it defended the notion

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